LOS JEMERES ROJOS PDF
Las tropas del Ejército camboyano han sufrido numerosas bajas en el norte del país en enfrentamientos armados con la guerrilla de los jemeres rojos, según la . Proper noun. Jemeres rojos m. Khmer Rouge. Retrieved from “https://en. ?title=Jemeres_rojos&oldid=”. Categories. Los Jemeres Rojos en Kampuchea Democrática () CAMBOYA ÍNDICE 1. Régimen de los Jemeres Rojos. Ascenso al poder.
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The name had originally been used in the s by Norodom Sihanouk as a blanket term for the Cambodian left. The regime would go on to murder hundreds of thousands of their perceived political opponents. Ultimately, the Cambodian genocide would lead to the deaths of 1. The Khmer Rouge regime was highly autocratic, xenophobic, paranoid and repressive. The genocide was in part the result of the regime’s social engineering policies.
The Khmer Rouge’s racist emphasis on national purity included several genocides of Cambodian minorities. Arbitrary executions and torture were carried out by its cadres against perceived subversive elements, or during genocidal purges  of its own ranks between and The regime was removed from power in when Vietnam invaded Cambodia and quickly destroyed most of the Khmer Rouge’s army.
The Khmer Rouge then fled to Thailand whose government saw them as a buffer force against the Communist Vietnamese. The Cambodian governments-in-exile including the Khmer Rouge held onto Cambodia’s United Nations seat with considerable international support untilwhen the monarchy was restored and the country’s name was changed to the Kingdom of Cambodia. A year later, thousands of Khmer Rouge guerrillas surrendered themselves in a government amnesty.
Ina new political party called the Democratic National Union Movement was formed by Ieng Sarywho was granted amnesty for his role as the deputy leader of the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge dissolved sometime in December The term “Khmers rouges”, French for “Red Khmers “, was coined by Cambodian head of state Norodom Sihanouk  and later adopted by English speakers in the form of the corrupted version Khmer Rouge. In power, the movement’s ideology was shaped by a power struggle during in which the so-called Party Centre led by Pol Pot defeated other regional elements of the leadership.
The Party Centre’s ideology combined elements of Marxism with a strongly xenophobic form of Khmer nationalism. Due in part to secrecy and changes in the regime’s presentation of itself, academic interpretations of its political position within Marxist thought vary widely,  ranging from interpreting it as the “purest” Marxist-Leninist movement to characterising it as an anti-Marxist “peasant revolution”.
Its leaders and theorists, most of whom had been exposed to the heavily Stalinist outlook of the French Communist Party during the s,  developed a distinctive and eclectic “post- Leninist ” ideology that drew on elements of Stalinism, Maoism and the postcolonial theory of Frantz Fanon.
While the CPK described itself as the “number 1 Communist state” once it was in power,  some communist regimes such as Vietnam saw it as a Maoist deviation from orthodox Marxism.
Khmer ultranationalism was a defining characteristic of the regime, which combined an idealization of the Angkor Empire — with an existential fear for the existence of the Cambodian state, which had historically been liquidated during periods of Vietnamese and Siamese intervention.
Once in power, the Khmer Rouge explicitly targeted the Chinese, the Vietnamese, the Cham minority and even their partially Khmer offspring. Khmer Rouge economic policy, based largely on the plans of Khieu Samphan, focused on the achievement of national self-reliance through an initial phase of agricultural collectivism.
This would then be used as a route to achieve rapid social transformation and industrial and technological development without assistance from foreign powers, a process which the party characterised as a “Super Great Leap Forward”.
The party’s General Secretary Pol Pot strongly influenced the propagation of this policy. He was reportedly impressed with the self-sufficient manner in which the mountain tribes of Cambodia lived, which the party interpreted as a form of primitive communism. Khmer Rouge theory developed the concept that the nation should take “agriculture as the basic factor and use the fruits of agriculture to build industry”.
The focus of the Khmer Rouge leadership on the peasantry as the base of the revolution was according to Michael Vickery a product of their status as ” petty-bourgeois radicals overcome by peasantist romanticism”. The Khmer Rouge officially renounced communism in following the Cambodian—Vietnamese War in which they saw support from the United States. Democratic Kampuchea is sometimes described as an atheist state though this is not strictly accurate as its constitution in fact stated that everyone had freedom of religion, or not to hold a religion, although it specified that what it termed “reactionary religion” would not be permitted.
Khmer Rouge – Wikipedia
Though there was extreme harassment of Buddhist institutions, there was a tendency for the CPK regime to internalise and reconfigure the symbolism and language of Cambodian Buddhism so that many revolutionary slogans mimicked the formulae learned by young monks during their training. Islamic religious leaders were executed, although some Cham Muslims appear to have been told they could continue devotions in private as long as it could not interfere with roios quotas. Buddhist laity seem not to have been singled out for persecution although traditional belief rokos the tutelary spirits or neak tarapidly eroded as people were forcibly moved from their home areas.
The history of the communist movement in Cambodia can be divided into six phases, namely the emergence before World War II of the Indochinese Communist Party ICPwhose members were almost exclusively Vietnamese; the year struggle for independence from the French, when a separate Cambodian communist party, the Kampuchean or Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party KPRPwas established under Vietnamese auspices; the period following the Second Party Congress of the KPRP inwhen Saloth Sar Pol Pot after and other future Khmer Rouge leaders gained control of its apparatus; the revolutionary struggle from the initiation of the Khmer Rouge insurgency in — to the fall of the Lon Nol government in April ; the Democratic Kampuchea lso from April to January ; and the period following the Third Party Congress of the KPRP in Januarywhen Hanoi effectively assumed control over Cambodia’s government and communist party.
InHo Chi Jemerez founded the Communist Party of Vietnam by unifying three smaller communist movements that had emerged in northern, central and southern Vietnam during the late s. Almost immediately, the party was renamed the Indochinese Communist Party, ostensibly so it could include revolutionaries from Cambodia and Laos. Almost without exception, orjos of the earliest party members were Vietnamese.
By the end of World War II, a handful of Cambodians had joined its ranks, but their influence on the Indochinese communist movement as jmeres as their influence on developments within Cambodia loss negligible.
Viet Minh units occasionally made forays into Cambodian bases during their war against the French and in conjunction with the leftist government that ruled Thailand until the Viet Minh encouraged the formation of armed, left-wing Khmer Issarak bands.
On April 17, 25 years to the day before the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penhthe first nationwide congress of the Khmer Issarak groups convened and the United Issarak Front was established.
According to the historian David P. Chandlerthe leftist Issarak jmeeres aided by the Viet Minh occupied a sixth of Cambodia’s territory by and on the eve of the Geneva Conference controlled as much as one half jekeres the country. According to a document issued after the reorganization, the VWP would continue to “supervise” the smaller Laotian and Cambodian movements.
The party’s appeal rrojos indigenous Khmers appears to have been minimal. According to Democratic Kampuchea’s perspective of party nemeres, the Viet Minh’s failure to negotiate a political role for the KPRP at the Geneva Conference represented a betrayal of the Cambodian movement, which still controlled large areas of the countryside and which commanded at least 5, armed men.
In the September election, it won about four percent of the vote, but did not secure a seat in the legislature. Government attacks prevented it from participating in the election and drove it underground. Sihanouk habitually labelled local leftists the Khmer Rouge, a term that later came to signify the party and the state headed by Pol Pot, Ieng SaryKhieu Samphan and their associates. In very general terms, these groups espoused divergent revolutionary lines.
The prevalent “urban” line endorsed by North Vietnam recognized that Sihanouk by virtue of his success in jemerds independence from the French was a genuine national jeeres whose neutralism and deep distrust of the United States made him a valuable asset in Hanoi’s struggle to “liberate” South Vietnam. The other line, supported for the most part by rural cadres who were familiar with the harsh realities of the countryside, advocated an immediate struggle to overthrow the ” feudalist rkjos Sihanouk.
During the s, Khmer students in Paris organized their own communist movement which had little, if any, connection to the hard-pressed party in their homeland.
From their ranks came the men and women who returned home and took command of the party apparatus during the s, led an effective insurgency against Lon Nol from until and established the regime of Democratic Kampuchea. Pol Gojoswho rose to the leadership of the communist movement in the s, was born in some sources say in Kampong Thum Provincenortheast of Phnom Penh.
He attended a technical high school in the capital and then went to Paris in to study radio electronics other sources say he attended a school for printers and typesetters and also studied civil engineering.
Khieu Samphan was born in and specialized in economics and politics during his time in Paris. Most came from landowner or civil servant families. Pol Pot and Hou Yuon may have been related to the royal family as an older sister of Pol Pot had been a uemeres at the court of King Monivong.
These two well-educated women fojos played a central role in the regime of Democratic Kampuchea. A number turned to orthodox Marxism—Leninism. Inthe two men went to East Berlin to participate in a youth festival. This experience is considered to have been a turning point in their ideological development. Meeting with Khmers who were fighting with the Viet Minh and whom they subsequently judged to be too subservient to the Jmeresthey became convinced that only a tightly disciplined party organization and a readiness for jemeees struggle could achieve revolution.
They transformed the Khmer Students Association KSAto which most of jeemres or jwmeres Khmer students in Paris belonged, into an organization for nationalist and leftist ideas.
Inside the KSA and its successor organizations, there was a secret organization known as the Cercle Marxiste Marxist circle. The organization was composed of cells of three to six members with most members knowing nothing about the overall structure of the organization. InPol Pot, Hou Yuon, Ieng Sary and other leftists gained notoriety by sending an open letter to Sihanouk calling him the “strangler of infant democracy”.
Inside, the group was still run by the Cercle Marxiste. The doctoral dissertations written jemdres Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan express basic themes that jemeges later to become the cornerstones of the policy adopted by Democratic Kampuchea. The central role of the peasants in national development was espoused by Hou Yuon in his thesis, The Cambodian Peasants and Their Prospects for Modernizationwhich challenged the conventional view that urbanization and industrialization are necessary precursors of development.
The jemeers argument in Khieu Samphan’s thesis, Cambodia’s Economy and Industrial Developmentwas that the country had to become self-reliant and end its economic dependency on the developed world. In its general contours, Samphan’s work reflected the influence of a branch of the ” dependency theory ” school, [ citation needed ] which blamed lack of development in the Third World on the economic domination of the industrialized nations.
After returning to Lks inPol Pot threw himself into party work. After the end of the war, he moved to Phnom Penh under Tou Samouth’s “urban committee”, where he became an important point of contact between above-ground parties of the left and the underground secret communist movement.
ខ្មែរក្រហម – Wikimedia Commons
Khieu Samphan returned from Paris intaught as a member of the law faculty of the University of Phnom Penh and started a left-wing French-language publication, L’Observateur. The paper soon acquired a reputation in Phnom Penh’s small academic circle.
The following year, the government closed the paper and Sihanouk’s police publicly humiliated Samphan by beating, undressing and photographing him in public—as Shawcross notes, “not the sort of humiliation that men forgive or forget”. Yet the experience did not prevent Samphan from advocating cooperation with Sihanouk in order to promote a united front against United States activities in South Vietnam. Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon and Hu Nim were forced to “work through the system” by joining the Sangkum and by accepting posts in the prince’s government.
This pivotal event remains shrouded in mystery because its outcome has become an object of contention and considerable historical rewriting between pro-Vietnamese and anti-Vietnamese Khmer communist factions. The question of cooperation with, or resistance to, Sihanouk was thoroughly discussed. His ally Nuon Cheaalso known as Long Reth, became deputy general secretary, but Pol Pot and Ieng Sary were named to the Political Bureau to occupy the third and the fifth highest positions in the renamed party’s hierarchy.
The name change is significant. By calling itself a workers’ party, the Cambodian movement claimed equal status with the Vietnam Workers’ Party. On July 20,Tou Samouth rojow murdered by the Cambodian government.
From then on, Pol Pot and loyal comrades from his Paris student days controlled the party centre, edging out older veterans whom they considered excessively pro-Vietnamese. In JulyPol Pot and most of the central committee left Phnom Penh to establish an insurgent base in Ratanakiri Province in the northeast. Pol Pot had shortly before been put on a list of 34 leftists who were summoned by Sihanouk to join the government and sign statements saying Sihanouk was the only possible leader for the country.
Pol Pot and Chou Chet were the only people on the list who escaped. All the others agreed to cooperate with the government and were afterward under jemwres watch by the police. The loss where Pol Pot and the others moved to was inhabited by tribal minorities, the Khmer Loeuwhose rough treatment including resettlement and forced assimilation at the hands of the central government made them willing recruits for a guerrilla struggle.
Pol Pot received some training in China, which had enhanced his prestige when he returned to the WPK’s “liberated areas”. Despite friendly relations between Norodom Sihanouk and the Chinese, the latter kept Pol Pot’s visit a secret from Sihanouk.
The change in the name of the party was a closely guarded secret.
Lower ranking members of the party rkjos even the Vietnamese were not told of it and neither was the membership until many years later. The party leadership endorsed armed struggle against the government, then led by Sihanouk.
Inseveral small-scale attempts at insurgency were made by the CPK but they had little success. Inthe Khmer Rouge was officially formed and its forces launched a national insurgency across Cambodia. Though North Vietnam had not been informed of the decision, its forces provided shelter and weapons to the Khmer Rouge after the insurgency started.
Vietnamese support for the insurgency made it impossible for the Cambodian military to effectively counter it.